Thursday, October 7, 2010

President Noynoy Aquino First 100 days speech

Message
of
His Excellency Benigno S. Aquino III
President of the Philippines
On The First Hundred Days of his Administration
[October 7, 2010, La Consolacion College, Manila]
Maraming salamat po, maupo po ho tayong lahat.
Vice President Jejomar Binay, members of the Cabinet, our host led by Sister Imelda, honored guests, fellow workers in government, mga minamahal ko pong kababayan, magandang umaga po sa inyong lahat.
Ang basehan po ng demokrasya ay mayroon po tayong mga politiko na naglalahad ng kanilang plataporma. Ang nanalo po ay obligadong ipatupad ang platapormang ipinangako.
Isandaang araw po ang nakalipas, nagpanata ako sa taumbayan: Hindi ko tatalikuran ang tiwalang kaloob ninyo sa akin. Ang nakalipas na isandaang araw ang magsisilbing tanda ng ating pong paninindigan.
Malalim at malawak po ang mga problemang minana natin. Nag-ugat ito sa isang gobyernong parang tatlong matsing na nagbingi-bingihan, nagbulag-bulagan, at gumawa ng sariling katotohanan.
Mali po ito. Ngayon, mayroon na po kayong gobyernong handang makipag-usap at magsabi ng totoo; handang makinig sa makabuluhang usapan; handang iangat ang antas ng pampublikong diskurso ukol sa mga isyung makaaapekto sa ating lahat, at maging sa mga darating na henerasyon.
Ang natamasa po natin ngayong unang isandaang araw ng ating panunungkulan: Mayroon na po kayong gobyernong hindi kayo binabalewala o inaapi.
Bumalik na po ang kumpyansa sa ating bansa. Tumatatag ang ating ekonomiya, at dahil dito, lumalago ang kaban ng ating bayan. Ang lahat ng inani at aanihin pa natin mula sa pinatibay na ekonomiya ng ating bansa, ibinabalik naman natin sa taumbayan upang tuluyan na tayong makaahon sa kahirapan. Binibigyan natin ng katuturan ang paggastos. Walang pisong dapat nasasayang.
Halimbawa po ang mga itinalagang opisyal sa mga GOCC. Naroon po dapat sila para pangalagaan ang interes ng taumbayan. Noon pong nakaupo sila doon, nilabag nila ang Memorandum Order 20, na pinirmahan noon pang Hunyo 2001. Inatupag po nila ang sariling interes na nagdulot ng pinsala sa interes ng taumbayan: nakakuha sila ng kung anu-anong mga bonus at allowance.
Ipinatutupad naman po natin ang Executive Order No. 7 na nagsususpinde sa lahat ng pribilehiyong iyon. Idiniin lamang po natin ang dapat naipatupad pa noong 2001. Sa isang kumpanya lang po tulad ng MWSS, ang napigil nating mahulog sa bulsa ng bawat opisyal ay umaabot na sa dalawa’t kalahating milyong piso kada taon. Siyam po ang miyembro ng Board nila, at sa MWSS lamang po iyan. At ilan po ang mga GOCCs, GFIs, at mga ahensyang sakop ng EO No. 7? Isandaan, dalawampu’t dalawa (122) mga ahensya at kumpanya.
Nariyan din po ang nangyayari sa mga kontrata tulad sa NAIA 3. Isipin lang po natin, tatlong administrasyon na ang dinaanan nito. Pang-apat na kami. Tumagal na po nang husto ang kasong ito, may mga pinaslang pa dahil dito. Kundi dahil sa mga tapat na nagmamahal sa bansa tulad nina Justice Florentino Feliciano at Justice Meilou Sereno, baka wala na ring pinatunguhan ang kasong ito. Sila po ang mga tunay na bida sa kaso, ngunit death threats pa po ang ibinayad sa kanila. Tila ba nagkulang sa aruga ang nakaraang gobyerno. Ngayon pong alam nilang suportado sila ng mga kapwa nila nasa tuwid na landas, naresolba na po nila  ang kontrata. Kung natalo po ang gobyerno natin rito, 990 million dollars ang nalagas sa ating mga pondo. 43.5 bilyong piso ang perang nailigtas nila at natin. Higit pa rito, mapapakinabangan na natin ang airport sa lalong madaling panahon.
Kung naaalala po ninyo, pinahinto natin itong negotiated contracts ng DPWH; pinarebid natin ito. Ginawa lang po natin kung ano ang tama, napigil na po natin ang paglustay ng 934.1 million pesos, at lumalabas na kung susunod tayo sa tamang proseso ay nasa 600 million pesos lang ang dapat gastusin sa mga proyektong ito. Nabalik po ang pera sa kaban ng bayan na kung pinahintulutan natin ang maling sistema ay natapon na naman sanang muli. Hindi lang po sa mga kalsada: sa DOTC, pinigil natin ang pagwaldas ng isang bilyong piso. Sa Department of Agriculture, 30 million at least ang natipid sa isang proyekto lang na bibili tayo ng spectrometer na gusto sanang doblehin ang presyo.
Doon po sa Department of National Defense, ang dinefend po ang pag-purchase ng mga helicopter na tila overspecified para paburan ang isang kumpanya lang. Sinisiyat ito. Itinabi na muna natin. Ang gastos na 3.6 billion ay hindi pa po nangyari.
Lahat po iyan naibalik natin sa kaban ng bayan.
Mayroon pa po. May proyektong inaprubahan ang dating administrasyon, huhukayin daw nila ang Laguna de Bay para palalimin ito. Ang sabi raw dadami ang isda. Mas makakaiwas daw sa baha. Mas madali daw makakaikot ang mga bangka at mga ferry service. Tatanggalin din ang pollutants doon sa Laguna de Bay. Ang tanong ko, saan ililipat ang lupang hinukay? Ang tatanggalin sa Laguna de Bay ay itatambak lang din pala sa ibang bahagi ng Laguna de Bay. At magkano naman po ang uutangin ng gobyerno para sa prebilihiyong ito? Konti lang daw po : 18.5 billion pesos lang naman po. At pareho rin ang kuwento: Tila hindi na naman dumaan sa tamang proseso ang pag-aapruba sa kontrata. Hindi natin dadaanin sa madaliang hokus-pokus ang proyektong ito. Pag-aaralan natin ito nang husto at sisiguraduhing hindi masasayang ang pondong gagamitin para rito.
Idadagdag ko lang po: ito po ay ni-review natin last week. Isipin po ninyo: hanggang ngayon, mayroon pa rin humihirit.
Napansin n’yo po ba, pati ‘yung weather forecasting gumanda? Napansin n’yo po ba na hindi na paulit-ulit ang mga mensahe ng PAGASA? Ngayon po, nakatutok na at mas malaman ang mga weather bulletin natin. Ang dating intermittent rainshowers across the country, ngayon, sasabihin na uulan sa ganitong lugar nang mga ganitong oras, delikadong lumabas para sa mangingisda at iba pa.
Tama po na hindi pa kumpleto ang equipment natin. Pero ngayong nagsimula na po tayong magtrabaho, kakaunti na lang ang kulang na kagamitan. Maling sistema at maling palakad ang nanligaw sa pagtataya ng panahon. Ang mga update dati na dumarating kada anim na oras, kada oras na ngayon kung dumating. Marami po tayong binago sa PAGASA, at kasama na po rito ang bulok na sistema.
Nakita naman po natin ang katakut-takot na problemang minana natin, pero hindi po tayo natinag. Naisaayos at naisasaayos na natin sa loob ng isandaang araw ang hindi nagawa ng dating administrasyon sa loob ng tatlong libo, apat na raan, apatnapu’t walong (3,448) araw.
Hininto na po natin ang pagkatagal-tagal na sistema kung saan itinuloy nang itinuloy ang mga proyekto na walang sumisiyasat kung angkop ba o kung may katuwiran ba ang mga ito. Isinulong po natin ang zero-based budgeting. Ang sabi po namin, isa-isahin natin iyan. Kung hindi po mapatunayang may saysay ka pa, tigil na ang ginugugol ng bansa sa iyo.
Ang mga Agriculture Input Subsidies na lalo lamang nagpapayaman sa mayayaman na habang binalewala ang mga mahihirap; ang mga programa tulad ng Kalayaang Barangay at Kilos-Asenso na hindi naman inilatag nang malinaw kung ano ang prosesong dinaanan, at kung saan napunta ang pera—inilipat po natin ang kanilang mga pondo tungo sa mga programang napatunayan nang makakatulong sa taumbayan.
Humigit-kumulang na 11 bilyong piso pa po ito na magagamit at mapapakinabangan nating lahat.
Sa edukasyon, kalusugan, at pag-ahon sa kahirapan po natin itinutok ang pondong natipid natin. Mula 175 billion pesos, umangat ang budget ng DepEd sa 207.3 billion pesos. Gugugulin po ito upang makabuo ng 13,147 na bagong classroom, at ng sampung libong bagong teaching positions. Sa DoH, umangat mula sa 29.3 billion pesos ang budget papuntang 33.3 billion, upang mapatatag ang unang-una, ang National Health Insurance Program. Sa DSWD, lagpas doble na po ang budget, galing 15.4 billion pesos papuntang 34.3 billion pesos.
Ang punto po natin dito: Walang maiiwan. Hindi po tayo papayag na yayaman ang iilan habang nalulunod sa kahirapan ang karamihan.
Kaya nga po natin pinatatag ang Conditional Cash Transfer Program. Salbabida po ito para sa mga nalulunod nating kababayan upang makapunta na sila sa pampang ng pagkakataon at pag-unlad. Lampas doble po ang bilang ng mga pamilyang matutulungan ng conditional cash transfers, mula isang milyong pamilya sa ngayon, tungo sa kabuuang 2.3 million na pamilya sa 2011.
Patuloy po ang ating tema ng pagbibigay ng lakas sa taumbayan. Dahil na rin po sa panunumbalik ng tiwala sa gobyerno, nabiyayaan ang KALAHI-CIDSS program ng dagdag na 59.1 million dollars—halos tatlong bilyong piso—mula sa World Bank. Sa programa pong ito, dadami pa ang komunidad na magkakaroon ng kuryente, kalsada, at malinis na tubig—mga proyektong ang taumbayan mismo ang nagpaplano at nagpapalakas.
Paulit-ulit po nating ididiin: trabaho ang pangunahing agenda ng ating administrasyon. At marami pong magandang balita ukol dito.
Ang papasok na pera sa ating bansa mula sa mga foreign investors ay aabot sa 2.4 billion dollars, at iyon ay pang-umpisa pa lamang. Direkta po itong magbibigay ng 43,600 na trabaho sa mga Pilipino. Simula pa lamang po iyan: Kung hindi natin sila padadaanin sa butas ng karayom, makukumbinsi pa po silang magnegosyo rito, at madadagdagan pa ang mga trabahong nalikha.
At manganganak pa po ng manganganak ang mga trabahong ito. Halimbawa, sa call center, kailangang panggabi ang trabaho. Kailangang magbukas ng kapihan, ng fastfood, ng mga convenience store. Hindi bababa sa dalawandaang libong bagong trabaho ang malilikha pa—kahit hindi ka marunong mag-computer, may pagkakataon ka sa dagdag na mga trabahong ito.
Trabaho din po ang idudulot ng mga Public-Private Partnerships na patuloy nating isinusulong. Nagtayo na po tayo ng PPP Center, kung saan ang mga gustong makilahok sa pagbabago ay mapapasailalim sa tapat, malinaw, at mabilis na proseso. Mula sa pagpapahaba ng mga LRT Lines, hanggang sa pagpapatayo ng bagong paliparan na tutulong sa turismo, hanggang sa mga eskuwelahan na itatayo sa buong sambayanan, magsisimula na po ang bidding para sa mga ito sa loob ng mga susunod na buwan.
Kinikilala na ng pandaigdigang merkado ang pagtatag ng piso. All-time high po ang ating Gross International Reserves na umabot na sa 52.3 billion dollars noong ika-dalawampu ng Setyembre. Ang dati-rati ay parang imposibleng maabot ng Philippine Stock Exchange Index na 4,000, nalampasan na po. Kahapon lamang po, all-time high na naman ang inabot ng ating Philippine Stock Exchange Index na umabot sa 4,196.73 points. Ipinapakita nito ang kumpiyansa sa ating ekonomiya sa ating mamamayan at sa atin pong pamahalaan. Kabilang na po ang ating PSE sa mga best-performing stock market sa buong Asya. At habang lumalakas ang piso at lumalago ang ekonomiya, steady lang naman po ang mga presyo ng ating mga bilihin. Handang-handa na po tayo talaga sa pag-unlad.
Lahat po ito nagawa natin dahil nakasandal ang gobyerno sa inyong tiwala. At umaapaw na rin po ang tiwalang iyan sa buong daigdig.
Dalawang ulit na pong nag-apply ang Pilipinas para sa Millenium Challenge Corporation Grant. Sa unang tatlong buwan lang po ng administrasyon natin napaaprubahan ito. Ang sa kanila lamang po, aminado silang hindi natin maiwawasto agad ang lahat ng problema, pero naniniwala silang patungo na tayo roon. Sabi nila, gusto namin kayong matulungan para maabot ang inyong mga pinapangarap, heto ang 430 million dollars.
Ididiin ko lang po: dalawang beses nag-apply, ni-reject sa loob nang hindi bababa sa siyam na taon, tayo po sa tatlong buwan, inaprubahan.
Pati po ang mga international organization tulad ng OECD, tinanggal na tayo sa listahan ng mga bansang kumukupkop ng mga tax evader. Maaari na tayong makakuha ng impormasyon na makakatulong sa paghuhuli sa mga tax evader na isinasagawa ng BIR.
Dahil na rin po sa panibagong tiwalang nangingibabaw sa pamahalaan, dumadami ang mga tumutulong sa pamamagitan ng pagbibigay ng mga tip tungkol sa katiwalian. Sumasaksi sila sa maling pangyayari, para makatulong sa ating paghahabol ng demanda. Halimbawa, sa bagong-tayo na Pera ng Bayan website, isa-isa nang lumilitaw ang mga taong makatutulong sa atin upang tugisin ang mga smuggler at tax evader.
Ibinabalik ng mga hakbang na ito ang kumpiyansa ng daigdig sa Pilipinas. Nagkakaisa nang muli ang ating lipunan, at ang nanatili na lang na parang sirang-plaka na paulit-ulit ang reklamo ay ang mga gustong manumbalik sa poder upang ituloy ang kanilang ligaya na nagmumula sa ating pagkakaapi.
Sila na nga ang nagdulot sa atin ng mga problemang pinapasan natin ngayon, sila pa ang may ganang bumanat nang bumanat sa atin. Papansinin ba ninyo sila? Magpapalinlang ba kayong muli?
Hindi po kami nagbibiro sa pagtahak sa tuwid na landas. Kayong mga mali ang palakad at pinipinsala ang mga kababayan natin, ginagarantiya ko sa inyo: may taning kayong lahat.
Ito pong mga problemang pinangako nating solusyonan, tatlong buwan pa lang nakikita na ninyong nabubuo ang solusyon. At ang inyong tiwala po ang pundasyon ng lahat ng ating naabot sa loob lamang nitong tatlong buwan ng ating panunungkulan.
Mula pa noong kampanya, ibinato na po sa atin ang lahat ng puwedeng ibato sa loob at labas ng Revised Penal Code. Pati po ang buhok ko ginawa nilang isyu. Palagay ko ho dahil siguro binata pa tayo, hindi na tayo binigyan ng honeymoon. Payag po si Sister Imelda diyan. Gusto talaga tayong gibain ng mga taong nais mapanatili ang lumang sistema, kung saan para silang mga dambuhalang buwayang nagpapakasasa sa kaban ng bayan.
Binabatikos lang naman po tayo dahil may iilan na naghahanap ng paraan para magpatuloy ang siklo ng mali. Alam din naman po nila ang tama, hindi pa nila maatim gawin. Mayroon po talagang mga nag-aambisyon na makabalik sa poder, nag-aambisyon na panatilihin ang sistemang sila lang ang nakikinabang, mga kapit-tuko sa puwesto na nakikinabang sa lumang sistema—mga taong gusto lamang ituloy ang kanilang ligaya, habang binabalewala naman ang sakripisyo ng taumbayan.
At tayo naman po: tuloy na tuloy ang laban. Hindi po tayo titigil.
Kung mayroon po tayong pagkukulang, ito marahil ay ang hindi nating naging kaugalian na ipamalita ang mga tagumpay na atin pong nakamit. Mas binigyan nating halaga ang paghahanap ng mga paraan na makatutulong sa ating mga kababayan. Kitang-kita naman po ng taumbayan ang resulta ng ating pagtatrabaho. Talagang nakagagalak ng puso itong satisfaction rating na seventy one percent. Natural po, sa inyo ang tagumpay na ito—sa bawat Pilipinong nagtitiwala at nakikilahok sa ating agenda ng pagbabago.
Ang patuloy ko pong panata: Hindi tayo titigil. Habang dumarami tayo sa tuwid na landas, dumadali naman po ang tungkulin nating itama ang mali.
Hinding-hindi po tayo titigil sa tuwid na landas. Unti-unti na pong natutupad ang ating mga pangarap.
Maraming salamat po. Magandang umaga sa lahat.

source : gov.ph

Saturday, October 2, 2010

I am a Filipino by Carlos P. Romulo

I am a Filipino — inheritor of a glorious past, hostage to the uncertain future. As such I must prove equal to a two-fold task — the task of meeting my responsibility to the past, and the task of performing my obligation to the future.



I sprung from a hardy race — child of many generations removed of ancient Malayan pioneers. Across the centuries, the memory comes rushing back to me: of brown-skinned men, putting out to sea in ships that were as frail as their hearts were stout. Over the sea I see them come, borne upon the billowing wave and the whistling wind, carried upon the mighty swell of hope — hope in the free abundance of new land that was to be their home and their children’s forever.This is the land they sought and found. Every inch of shore that their eyes first set upon, every hill and mountain that beckoned to them with a green and purple invitation, every mile of rolling plain that their view encompassed, every river and lake that promised a plentiful living and the fruitfulness of commerce, is a hollowed spot to me.
By the strength of their hearts and hands, by every right of law, human and divine, this land and all the appurtenances thereof — the black and fertile soil, the seas and lakes and rivers teeming with fish, the forests with their inexhaustible wealth in wild life and timber, the mountains with their bowels swollen with minerals — the whole of this rich and happy land has been, for centuries without number, the land of my fathers. This land I received in trust from them, and in trust will pass it to my children, and so on until the world no more.
I am a Filipino. In my blood runs the immortal seed of heroes — seed that flowered down the centuries in deeds of courage and defiance. In my veins yet pulses the same hot blood that sent Lapulapu to battle against the alien foe that drove Diego Silang and Dagohoy into rebellion against the foreign oppressor.
That seed is immortal. It is the self-same seed that flowered in the heart of Jose Rizal that morning in Bagumbayan when a volley of shots put an end to all that was mortal of him and made his spirit deathless forever; the same that flowered in the hearts of Bonifacio in Balintawak, of Gergorio del Pilar at Tirad Pass, of Antonio Luna at Calumpit; that bloomed in flowers of frustration in the sad heart of Emilio Aguinaldo at Palanan, and yet burst fourth royally again in the proud heart of Manuel L. Quezon when he stood at last on the threshold of ancient MalacaƱang Palace, in the symbolic act of possession and racial vindication.
The seed I bear within me is an immortal seed. It is the mark of my manhood, the symbol of dignity as a human being. Like the seeds that were once buried in the tomb of Tutankhamen many thousand years ago, it shall grow and flower and bear fruit again. It is the insigne of my race, and my generation is but a stage in the unending search of my people for freedom and happiness.
I am a Filipino, child of the marriage of the East and the West. The East, with its languor and mysticism, its passivity and endurance, was my mother; my sire was the West that came thundering across the seas with the Cross and Sword and the Machine. I am of the East, an eager participant in its spirit , and in its struggles for liberation from the imperialist yoke. But I know also that the East must awake from its centuried sleep, shake off the lethargy that has bound its limbs, and start moving where destiny awaits.
For I, too, am of the West, and the vigorous peoples of the West have destroyed forever the peace and quiet that once were ours. I can no longer live being apart from those whose world now trembles to the roar of bomb and cannon shot. I cannot say of a matter of universal life and death, of freedom and slavery for all mankind, that it concerns me not. For no man and no nation is an island, but a part of the main, there is no longer any East and West — only individuals and nations making those momentous which are the hinges upon which history resolves.
At the vanguard of progress in this part of the world I stand — a forlorn figure in the eyes of some, but not one defeated and lost. For through the thick, interlacing branches of habit and custom above me I have seen the light of the sun, and I know that it is good. I have seen the light of justice and equality and freedom, my heart has been lifted by the vision of democracy, and I shall not rest until my land and my people shall have been blessed by these, beyond the power of any man or nation to subvert or destroy.
I am a Filipino, and this is my inheritance. What pledge shall I give that I may prove worthy of my inheritance? I shall give the pledge that has come ringing down the corridors of the centuries, and it shall be compounded of the joyous cries of my Malayan forebears when they first saw the contours of this land loom before their eyes, of the battle cries that have resounded in every field of combat from Mactan to Tirad pass, of the voices of my people when they sing:





Land of the Morning,Child of the sun returning …


Ne’er shall invadersTrample thy sacred shore.





Out of the lush green of these seven thousand isles, out of the heartstrings of sixteen million people all vibrating to one song, I shall weave the mighty fabric of my pledge. Out of the songs of the farmers at sunrise when they go to labor in the fields; out of the sweat of the hard-bitten pioneers in Mal-ig and Koronadal; out of the silent endurance of stevedores at the piers and the ominous grumbling of peasants in Pampangga; out of the first cries of babies newly born and the lullabies that mothers sing; out of the crashing of gears and the whine of turbines in the factories; out of the crunch of ploughs upturning the earth; out of the limitless patience of teachers in the classrooms and doctors in the clinics; out of the tramp of soldiers marching, I shall make the pattern of my pledge:



“I am a Filipino born of freedom, and I shall not rest until freedom shall have been added unto my inheritance — for myself and my children’s children — forever.”

President Corazon C. Aquino’s speech before the U.S. Congress

President Corazon C. Aquino’s Historic Speech before the joint session of the United States Congress,

Washington, D.C. – September 18, 1986

Mr. Speaker, Senator Thurmond, Distinguished members of Congress.
Three years ago I left America in grief, to bury my husband Ninoy Aquino.  I thought I had left it also, to lay to rest his restless dream of Philippine freedom. Today, I have returned as the President of a free people.
In burying Ninoy, a whole nation honored him by that brave and selfless act of giving honor to a nation in shame recovered its own. A country that had lost faith in its future, founded in a faithless and brazen act of murder. So, in giving we receive, in losing we find, and out of defeat we snatched our victory. For the nation, Ninoy became the pleasing sacrifice that answered their prayers for freedom.
For myself and our children, Ninoy was a loving husband and father.  His loss, three times in our lives was always a deep and painful one. Fourteen years ago this month, was the first time we lost him. A president-turned-dictator and traitor to his oath, suspended the constitution and shutdown the Congress that was much like this one before which I’m honored to speak. He detained my husband along with thousands of others -  Senators, publishers, and anyone who had spoken up for the democracy as its end drew near. But for Ninoy, a long and cruel ordeal was reserved. The dictator already knew that Ninoy was not a body merely to be imprisoned but a spirit he must break. For even as the dictatorship demolished one-by-one; the institutions of democracy, the press, the congress, the independence of a judiciary, the protection of the Bill of Rights, Ninoy kept their spirit alive in himself.
The government sought to break him by indignities and terror. They locked him up in a tiny, nearly airless cell in a military camp in the north. They stripped him naked and held a threat of a sudden midnight execution over his head. Ninoy held up manfully under all of it. I barely did as well. For forty-three days, the authorities would not tell me what had happened to him. This was the first time my children and I felt we had lost him.
When that didn’t work, they put him on trial for subversion, murder and a host of other crimes before a military commission. Ninoy challenged its authority and went on a fast.  If he survived it, then he felt God intended him for another fate. We had lost him again. For nothing would hold him back from his determination to see his fast through to the end. He stopped only when it dawned on him that the government would keep his body alive after the fast had destroyed his brain. And so, with barely any life in his body, he called off the fast on the 40th day. God meant him for other things, he felt. He did not know that an early death would still be his fate, that only the timing was wrong. At any time during his long ordeal, Ninoy could have made a separate peace with a dictatorship as so many of his countrymen had done. But the spirit of democracy that inheres in our race and animates this chamber could not be allowed to die.  He held out in the loneliness of his cell and the frustration of exile, the democratic alternative to the insatiable greed and mindless cruelty of the right and the purging holocaust of the left.
And then, we lost him irrevocably and more painfully than in the past. The news came to us in Boston. It had to be after the three happiest years of our lives together. But his death was my country’s resurrection and the courage and faith by which alone they could be free again. The dictator had called him a nobody. Yet, two million people threw  aside their passivity and fear and escorted him to his grave.
And so began the revolution that has brought me to democracy’s most famous home, The Congress of the United States.
The task had fallen on my shoulders, to continue offering the democratic alternative to our people. Archibald Macleish had said that democracy must be defended by arms when it is attacked by arms, and with truth when it is attacked by lies. He failed to say how it shall be won.  I held fast to Ninoy’s conviction that it must be by the ways of democracy. I held out for participation in the 1984 election the dictatorship called, even if I knew it would be rigged. I was warned by the lawyers of the opposition, that I ran the grave risk of legitimizing the foregone results of elections that were clearly going to be fraudulent. But I was not fighting for lawyers but for the people in whose intelligence, I had implicit faith. By the exercise of democracy even in a dictatorship, they would be prepared for democracy when it came.  And then also, it was the only way I knew by which we could measure our power even in the terms dictated by the dictatorship. The people vindicated me in an election shamefully marked by government thuggery and fraud. The opposition swept the elections, garnering a clear majority of the votes even if they ended up (thanks to a corrupt Commission on Elections) with barely a third of the seats in Parliament. Now, I knew our power.
Last year, in an excess of arrogance, the dictatorship called for its doom in a snap election. The people obliged. With over a million signatures they drafted me to challenge the dictatorship. And I, obliged.
The rest is the history that dramatically unfolded on your television screens and across the front pages of your newspapers. You saw a nation armed with courage and integrity, stand fast by democracy against threats and corruption. You saw women poll watchers break out in tears as armed goons crashed the polling places to steal the ballots. But just the same, they tied themselves to the ballot boxes. You saw a people so committed to the ways of democracy that they were prepared to give their lives for its pale imitation. At the end of the day before another wave of fraud could distort the results, I announced the people’s victory.
Many of you here today played a part in changing the policy of your country towards ours. We, the Filipinos thank each of you for what you did. FOr balancing America’s strategic interest against human concerns illuminates the American vision of the world. The co-chairman of the United States observer team, in his report to the President said, “I was witness to an extraordinary manifestation of democracy on the part of the Filipino people. The ultimate result was the election of Mrs. Corazon Aqauino as President and Mr. Salvador Laurel as Vice-President of the Philippines.”
When a subservient parliament announced my opponent’s victory, the people then turned out in the streets and proclaimed me the President of all the people. And true to their word, when a handful of military leaders declared themselves against the dictatorship, the people rallied to their protection. Surely, the people take care of their own. It is on that faith and the obligation it entails that I assumed the Presidency.
As I came to power peacefully, so shall I keep it. That is my contract with my people and my commitment to God. He had willed that the blood drawn with a lash shall not in my country be paid by blood drawn byh the sword but by the tearful joy of reconciliation. We have swept away absolute power by a limited revolution that respected the life and freedom of every Filipino.
Now, we are restoring full constitutional government. Again as we restore democracy by the ways of democracy, so are we completing the constitutional structures of our new democracy under a constitution that already gives full respect to the Bill of Rights. A jealously independent constitutional commission is completing its draft which will be submitted later this year to a popular referendum. When it is approved, there will be elections for both national and local positions. So, within about a year from a peaceful but national upheaval that overturned a dictatorship, we shall have returned to full constitutional government.
Given the polarization and breakdown we inherited, this is no small achievement. My predecessor set aside democracy to save it from a communist insurgency that numbered less than five hundred. Unhampered by respect for human rights he went at it with hammer and tongs. By the time he fled, that insurgency had grown to more than sixteen thousand. I think there is a lesson here to be learned about trying to stifle a thing with a means by which it grows. I don’t think anybody in or outside our country, concerned for a democratic and open Philippines doubts what must be done. Through political initiatives and local re-integration programs, we must seek to bring the insurgents down from the hills and by economic progress and justice, show them that which the best-intentioned among them fight. As president among my people, I will not betray the cause of peace by which I came to power. Yet, equally and again, no friend of Filipino democracy will challenge this. I will not stand by and allow an insurgent leadership to spurn our offer of peace and kill our young soldiers and threaten our new freedom.
Yet, I must explore the path of peace to the utmost. For at its end, whatever disappointment I meet there is the moral basis for laying down the Olive branch of peace and taking up the sword of war.
Still, should it come to that, I will not waiver from the course laid down by your great liberator.
“With malice towards none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us finish the work we are in to bind up the nation’s wounds. To care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and for his orphans to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.”
Like Abraham Lincoln, I understand that force may be necessary before mercy.  Like Lincoln, I don’t relish it. Yet, I will do whatever it takes to defend the integrity and freedom of my country.
Finally may I turn to that other slavery, our twenty-six billion dollar foreign debt. I have said that we shall honor it. Yet, the means by which we shall be able to do so are kept from us. Many of the conditions imposed on the previous government that stole this debt, continue to be imposed on us who never benefited from it.
And no assistance or liberality commensurate with the calamity that was vested on us have been extended. Yet ours must have been the cheapest revolution ever. With little help from others, we Filipinos fulfilled the first and most difficult condition of the debt negotiation, the full restoration of democracy and responsible government.  Elsewhere and in other times, a more stringent world economic conditions, marshal plans and their like were felt to be necessary companions of returning democracy.
When I met with President Reagan, we began an important dialogue about cooperation and the strengthening of friendship between our two countries. That meeting was both a confirmation and a new beginning. I am sure it will lead to positive results in all areas of common concern. Today, we face the aspiration of a people who have known so much poverty and massive unemployment for the past 14 years. And yet offer their lives for the abstraction of democracy.
Wherever I went in the campaign, slum area or impoverished village. They came to me with one cry, DEMOCRACY.  Not food although they clearly needed it but DEMOCRACY. Not work, although they surely wanted it but DEMOCRACY. Not money, for they gave what little they had to my campaign. They didn’t expect me to work a miracle that would instantly put food into their mouths, clothes on their back, education in their children and give them work that will put dignity in their lives. But I feel the pressing obligation to respond quickly as the leader of the people so deserving of all these things.
We face a communist insurgency that feeds on economic deterioration even as we carry a great share of the free world defenses in the Pacific. These are only two of the many burdens my people carry even as they try to build a worthy and enduring house for their new democracy. That may serve as well as a redoubt for freedom in Asia. Yet, no sooner as one stone laid than two are taken away. Half our export earnings, two billion dollars out of four billion dollars which is all we can earn in the restrictive market of the world, must go to pay just the interest on a debt whose benefit the Filipino people never received.
Still we fought for honor and if only for honor, we shall pay. And yet, should we have to ring the payments from the sweat of our men’s faces and sink all the wealth piled by the bondsman’s two-hundred fifty years of unrequitted toil. Yet, to all Americans, as the leader to a proud and free people, I address this question, “Has there been a greater test of national commitment to the ideals you hold dear than that my people have gone through? You have spent many lives and much treasure to bring freedom to many lands that were reluctant to receive it. And here, you have a people who want it by themselves and need only the help to preserve it.”
Three years ago I said, Thank you America for the haven from opression and the home you gave Ninoy, myself and our children and for the three happiest years of our lives together. Today I say, join us America as we build a new home for democracy; another haven for the opressed so it may stand as a shining testament of our two nations’ commitment to freedom.

I Have a Dream speech by Martin Luther King, Jr.

I Have a Dream

by Martin Luther King, Jr.



I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. 1963 is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by a sign stating "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification"--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee,
Sweet land of liberty,
Of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died,
Land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside,
Let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado!
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California!
But not only that. Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"